Tbilisi, Georgia — With Georgia set to hold parliamentary elections Saturday, Rustaveli Avenue, Tbilisi’s main thoroughfare, was filled with buses and minibuses Wednesday evening, transporting supporters of the ruling Georgian Dream party from across the country. The rally drew an estimated 150,000 people, largely composed of regional government employees.
Rally attendees interviewed by Voice of America’s Georgian Service echoed the ruling party’s talking points, including the claim that Georgia is being dragged into the Russia-Ukraine war and the alleged influence of foreign agents on Georgian politics.
“I’m here because I want my homeland to survive,” said one government supporter.
“I came because I want this country to be led by a patriotic party, not by agents of America,“ said another participant.
“America is now pushing an LGBT agenda — it’s become a pseudo-liberal state,” said a third rally attendee, Omar, repeating rhetoric frequently heard from Georgian Dream.
Opposition rally
The pro-government rally followed an opposition demonstration held Sunday, when thousands were in the streets of Tbilisi for a “European March” supporting closer ties with the West.
Participants in that march told VOA they saw it as a way to resist a slide back under Russian influence for the country.
“For me, Georgia’s European future is important — to be a democratic country, tolerant, free and advanced, with Western friends,” said Tiko Nadirashvili. “This is the choice of the Georgian people.”
“I am here to show my friends that we are winning this, because the [ruling] Georgian Dream [party] already knows it’s losing,” another attendee told VOA.
Georgia’s opposition is made up of four key forces. At the forefront is the United National Movement, or UNM, accompanied by its splinter group, the Coalition for Change. The other major players include the Strong Georgia coalition and For Georgia, led by former Georgian Dream Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia.
The opposition’s electoral campaign has focused on the theme of European integration, warning against threats to Georgia’s Western aspirations. While it has highlighted economic issues, critics argue that its rhetoric often veers toward populism and lacks substantial policy proposals.
For its part, Georgian Dream’s election campaign has framed its opponents inside Georgia and critics among Western governments as a “global war party” conspiring to pull Georgia into the Russia-Ukraine conflict — a conspiracy theory crafted to exploit fears of another war.
Russians remain
Georgia, which has faced two conflicts with Russia since the 1990s, still lives with Russian troops occupying 20% of its territory.
“Georgian Dream relies on the narrative that without them, there will be Russian bombs and war, and that they are the only ones maintaining peace,” said Levan Ramishvili, a professor at Tbilisi’s Free University. “This perception of a weakened West fuels anti-liberal forces within countries like Georgia and elsewhere.”
“It’s not disinformation that has caused these attitudes, but rather the yearslong war in Ukraine with no clear end in sight,” Ramishvili added. “There’s no clear vision from the West, be it from the Biden administration or the Republicans.
“This lack of clarity makes the perception of a weakened West more pervasive, with leaders like [Georgian Dream founder and former Prime Minister Bidzina] Ivanishvili confidently stating that they will simply endure, and the West will eventually cave.”
Georgian Dream, seeking to hold on to power for a fourth term, has put up posters across the country juxtaposing images of war-torn Ukrainian cities with peaceful Georgian landscapes, accompanied by the slogans “No to war” and “Choose peace.”
The implication is clear: A vote against Georgian Dream is a vote for war.
“Georgian Dream is trying to frame this election as a choice between war and peace, rather than between the West and Russia,” said Shota Utiashvili of the Rondeli Foundation, a Tbilisi think tank. “The entire election campaign is centered around cultivating a culture of fear — fear of war, fear of difference, fear of modernization and fear of the West.”
The ruling party’s tactics also extend to cultural identity. Georgian Dream has enacted legislation targeting “LGBT propaganda,” arguing that it protects Georgia’s traditional values from Western influence. By aligning with the powerful Georgian Orthodox Church and conservative, pro-Russian groups, the government positions itself as the defender of tradition.
“Georgian Dream has essentially replicated Russia’s homophobic legislation — not only copied its content, but also deployed similar propaganda tactics to sway conservative voters and influence election outcomes,” said Giorgi Tabagari, a gay rights activist.
“None of the issues addressed in the legislation reflect the actual priorities of Georgian voters,” he added. “Some of the homophobic narratives that Georgian Dream has been using throughout the election campaign are rather out of touch with Georgian reality and mirror cultural debates in the West without any local context.”
Critics compare Georgian Dream’s tactics to those of the Kremlin.
Earlier this year, Georgian Dream passed a controversial “foreign agent” law, requiring nongovernmental organizations and media outlets receiving foreign funding to register as “agents of foreign influence.”
Critics say this law mirrors Russian tactics to suppress dissent and bring civil society under tighter government control. The law’s passage sparked mass protests, which were met by government crackdowns, which drew Western condemnation and U.S. sanctions on several Georgian officials.
“There has been a surge in anti-Western and Euroskeptic narratives, which were previously spread by anonymous actors but are now being openly promoted by the ruling party,” said Nino Dolidze, who heads the International Society for Fair Elections and Democracy, or ISFED, a Georgian NGO.
“At the same time, we are witnessing a broader anti-Western narrative, accompanied by increased interference from Russia in Georgia’s information space,” she said. “This includes public statements from Russian leaders and coordinated disinformation efforts on social networks, driven by Russian accounts, trolls and bots.”
Voter fears
According to Dolidze, the parliamentary election campaign has been marred by allegations of voter intimidation, vote-buying and misuse of state resources. Georgian Dream proxies reportedly have threatened legal consequences for those who vote for the opposition.
Many Georgians, particularly those in rural areas reliant on public sector jobs or social assistance, fear losing their livelihoods if they don’t back the ruling party.
“They are telling us that they are frightened and afraid of losing income. Of course, it is creating problems in terms of a free vote, as you can imagine how it affects the free will of voters,” Dolidze said.
Speaking with VOA at Wednesday’s pro-government rally in Tbilisi, Archil Talakvadze, a member of the Georgian Dream faction in the country’s parliament, said that, given Russia’s occupation of the breakaway Georgian regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, the Georgian people “have done their utmost to support Ukraine” and “stand firmly in favor of genuine peace.”
Georgia’s opposition, he said, “lacks faith” in winning through democratic elections, “leading them to discredit the electoral process and use any opportunity to destabilize the country.”
“We will not allow any risks that could drag Georgia into another war, where our soldiers and civilians could lose their lives in an unequal fight,” Talakvadze told VOA. “Instead, we will protect the future of our country through peace, security and European integration.”
While Georgian Dream promotes itself as the only guarantor of peace, the opposition argues that a Georgian Dream election win would be a victory for Russia, and it insists the ruling party will not prevail.
“Georgian Dream will not be able to subvert the voice of Georgian people at the ballot box through false constructs on war and peace that are based entirely on Russian propaganda narratives,” Tina Bokuchava, head of the United National Movement party, told VOA.
The opposition, however, remains disconnected from voters. Polls show that 61% of Georgians feel none of the existing political parties represent them, and 72% want new political actors.
Still, many observers say Georgians see the election as a chance to vote against the ruling party, not for the opposition.
“In reality, [if it loses] Georgian Dream will defeat themselves; it won’t be the opposition that brings them down,” said Ramishvili of Tbilisi’s Free University.
“Georgian Dream will commit political suicide, because in Georgia, anti-Russian sentiment is a part of our national identity, along with European and pro-Western views. As a result, when Georgian Dream openly launched an anti-Western campaign, they lost the support of voters who want both peace and Europe.”
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